Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Eight persons i.e. U, V, W, X, Y, Z, A, and B are seated around a circular tables among them only 3 are facing opposite to the centre and rest are facing to the centre, they all like different subjects Hindi, English, Maths, Physics, Arts, Chemistry, and Biology (not necessarily in the same order) except two persons who like same subject that is arts.
Y likes Hindi and sits 2nd to the right of U, who likes maths. Z sits opposite to Y. U and Y face opposite direction of each other. W likes arts and sits immediate left of Y. V sits 2nd to left of W. W and Z face same direction with each other. W and Z likes same subject. The one, who likes physics sits 3rd to the right of Z. The one who likes English is not just near to Z. B and V face the same direction as Z faces. A doesn’t like chemistry. B doesn’t sit just near to U and opposite to U. X is not an immediate neighbour of U. W does not face opposite to centre.

Who among the following likes Arts subject?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Eight persons i.e. U, V, W, X, Y, Z, A, and B are seated around a circular tables among them only 3 are facing opposite to the centre and rest are facing to the centre, they all like different subjects Hindi, English, Maths, Physics, Arts, Chemistry, and Biology (not necessarily in the same order) except two persons who like same subject that is arts.
Y likes Hindi and sits 2nd to the right of U, who likes maths. Z sits opposite to Y. U and Y face opposite direction of each other. W likes arts and sits immediate left of Y. V sits 2nd to left of W. W and Z face same direction with each other. W and Z likes same subject. The one, who likes physics sits 3rd to the right of Z. The one who likes English is not just near to Z. B and V face the same direction as Z faces. A doesn’t like chemistry. B doesn’t sit just near to U and opposite to U. X is not an immediate neighbour of U. W does not face opposite to centre.

B likes which of the following subject?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Eight persons i.e. U, V, W, X, Y, Z, A, and B are seated around a circular tables among them only 3 are facing opposite to the centre and rest are facing to the centre, they all like different subjects Hindi, English, Maths, Physics, Arts, Chemistry, and Biology (not necessarily in the same order) except two persons who like same subject that is arts.
Y likes Hindi and sits 2nd to the right of U, who likes maths. Z sits opposite to Y. U and Y face opposite direction of each other. W likes arts and sits immediate left of Y. V sits 2nd to left of W. W and Z face same direction with each other. W and Z likes same subject. The one, who likes physics sits 3rd to the right of Z. The one who likes English is not just near to Z. B and V face the same direction as Z faces. A doesn’t like chemistry. B doesn’t sit just near to U and opposite to U. X is not an immediate neighbour of U. W does not face opposite to centre.

Z faces in which direction?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Eight persons i.e. U, V, W, X, Y, Z, A, and B are seated around a circular tables among them only 3 are facing opposite to the centre and rest are facing to the centre, they all like different subjects Hindi, English, Maths, Physics, Arts, Chemistry, and Biology (not necessarily in the same order) except two persons who like same subject that is arts.
Y likes Hindi and sits 2nd to the right of U, who likes maths. Z sits opposite to Y. U and Y face opposite direction of each other. W likes arts and sits immediate left of Y. V sits 2nd to left of W. W and Z face same direction with each other. W and Z likes same subject. The one, who likes physics sits 3rd to the right of Z. The one who likes English is not just near to Z. B and V face the same direction as Z faces. A doesn’t like chemistry. B doesn’t sit just near to U and opposite to U. X is not an immediate neighbour of U. W does not face opposite to centre.

A likes which of the following subject?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Eight persons i.e. U, V, W, X, Y, Z, A, and B are seated around a circular tables among them only 3 are facing opposite to the centre and rest are facing to the centre, they all like different subjects Hindi, English, Maths, Physics, Arts, Chemistry, and Biology (not necessarily in the same order) except two persons who like same subject that is arts.
Y likes Hindi and sits 2nd to the right of U, who likes maths. Z sits opposite to Y. U and Y face opposite direction of each other. W likes arts and sits immediate left of Y. V sits 2nd to left of W. W and Z face same direction with each other. W and Z likes same subject. The one, who likes physics sits 3rd to the right of Z. The one who likes English is not just near to Z. B and V face the same direction as Z faces. A doesn’t like chemistry. B doesn’t sit just near to U and opposite to U. X is not an immediate neighbour of U. W does not face opposite to centre.

Who among the following sits immediate left of the one who likes chemistry?

A sits 14th from left end of the row and Y sits 5th from the right end of the row. A and Y interchange their positions, now A’s position is 16th from left end. Find the number of boys and number of girls in the row, if boys and girls are in the ratio of 3:2. All are seated in a row and facing towards north?

In the following questions, the symbols used with the following meaning as illustrated below:

Now, in each of the following questions assuming the given statements to be true, find which of the four conclusions I, II, III and IV is/are definitely true and give your answer accordingly.

In the following questions, the symbols used with the following meaning as illustrated below:

Now, in each of the following questions assuming the given statements to be true, find which of the four conclusions I, II, III and IV is/are definitely true and give your answer accordingly.

In the following questions, the symbols used with the following meaning as illustrated below:

Now, in each of the following questions assuming the given statements to be true, find which of the four conclusions I, II, III and IV is/are definitely true and give your answer accordingly.

In the following questions, the symbols used with the following meaning as illustrated below:

Now, in each of the following questions assuming the given statements to be true, find which of the four conclusions I, II, III and IV is/are definitely true and give your answer accordingly.

In the following questions, the symbols used with the following meaning as illustrated below:

Now, in each of the following questions assuming the given statements to be true, find which of the four conclusions I, II, III and IV is/are definitely true and give your answer accordingly.

There are six houses in a colony i.e. A, B, C, D, E, F. House A is 2km north of building B. House D is exactly between house A & B. House F is 1km south-east of house D and 1km north of house C. House E is 1.5km east from house C. Find in which direction house E with respect to house D?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Ten people i.e. A, B, C, D, E, U, V, W, X, and Y are seating on two parallel rows. U, V, W, X, and Y are seating in row 1 and facing towards North. A, B, C, D, and E are seating in row 2 and facing south. They belong to different countries India, China, Austria, Australia, Germany, Japan, France, Poland, Kenya, and Nepal (not necessarily in same order).
W is from Nepal and sits at extreme end. Immediate neighbour of W faces the one who is from Australia. A sits second right of the one who faces the immediate neighbour of W. Immediate neighbour of A faces U, who is from France. Y is from Germany and doesn’t sit just near to both U and W. Y doesn’t sit at the middle of the row. The one who faces U sits second to the right of E who is from Japan. Neither B nor D sits at extreme end. D faces the one who is from Kenya and V faces the one who is from China. The one, who is from India sits extreme end. V is not from Austria.

Who among the following is from India?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Ten people i.e. A, B, C, D, E, U, V, W, X, and Y are seating on two parallel rows. U, V, W, X, and Y are seating in row 1 and facing towards North. A, B, C, D, and E are seating in row 2 and facing south. They belong to different countries India, China, Austria, Australia, Germany, Japan, France, Poland, Kenya, and Nepal (not necessarily in same order).
W is from Nepal and sits at extreme end. Immediate neighbour of W faces the one who is from Australia. A sits second right of the one who faces the immediate neighbour of W. Immediate neighbour of A faces U, who is from France. Y is from Germany and doesn’t sit just near to both U and W. Y doesn’t sit at the middle of the row. The one who faces U sits second to the right of E who is from Japan. Neither B nor D sits at extreme end. D faces the one who is from Kenya and V faces the one who is from China. The one, who is from India sits extreme end. V is not from Austria.

The one who is from China faces the one who is from?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Ten people i.e. A, B, C, D, E, U, V, W, X, and Y are seating on two parallel rows. U, V, W, X, and Y are seating in row 1 and facing towards North. A, B, C, D, and E are seating in row 2 and facing south. They belong to different countries India, China, Austria, Australia, Germany, Japan, France, Poland, Kenya, and Nepal (not necessarily in same order).
W is from Nepal and sits at extreme end. Immediate neighbour of W faces the one who is from Australia. A sits second right of the one who faces the immediate neighbour of W. Immediate neighbour of A faces U, who is from France. Y is from Germany and doesn’t sit just near to both U and W. Y doesn’t sit at the middle of the row. The one who faces U sits second to the right of E who is from Japan. Neither B nor D sits at extreme end. D faces the one who is from Kenya and V faces the one who is from China. The one, who is from India sits extreme end. V is not from Austria.

B is from which of the following country?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Ten people i.e. A, B, C, D, E, U, V, W, X, and Y are seating on two parallel rows. U, V, W, X, and Y are seating in row 1 and facing towards North. A, B, C, D, and E are seating in row 2 and facing south. They belong to different countries India, China, Austria, Australia, Germany, Japan, France, Poland, Kenya, and Nepal (not necessarily in same order).
W is from Nepal and sits at extreme end. Immediate neighbour of W faces the one who is from Australia. A sits second right of the one who faces the immediate neighbour of W. Immediate neighbour of A faces U, who is from France. Y is from Germany and doesn’t sit just near to both U and W. Y doesn’t sit at the middle of the row. The one who faces U sits second to the right of E who is from Japan. Neither B nor D sits at extreme end. D faces the one who is from Kenya and V faces the one who is from China. The one, who is from India sits extreme end. V is not from Austria.

Who among the following sits at extreme end?

Study the following information carefully and answer the question given below-
Ten people i.e. A, B, C, D, E, U, V, W, X, and Y are seating on two parallel rows. U, V, W, X, and Y are seating in row 1 and facing towards North. A, B, C, D, and E are seating in row 2 and facing south. They belong to different countries India, China, Austria, Australia, Germany, Japan, France, Poland, Kenya, and Nepal (not necessarily in same order).
W is from Nepal and sits at extreme end. Immediate neighbour of W faces the one who is from Australia. A sits second right of the one who faces the immediate neighbour of W. Immediate neighbour of A faces U, who is from France. Y is from Germany and doesn’t sit just near to both U and W. Y doesn’t sit at the middle of the row. The one who faces U sits second to the right of E who is from Japan. Neither B nor D sits at extreme end. D faces the one who is from Kenya and V faces the one who is from China. The one, who is from India sits extreme end. V is not from Austria.

Who among the following faces B?

Each of these questions is based on the following information:

Which of the following shows the relation that F is the maternal grandmother of E?

Each of these questions is based on the following information:

If the expression [email protected]*G%[email protected] is definitely true, then which of the following is not true?

Each of these questions is based on the following information:

If the expression Q * R @ Z % B is definitely true, then which of the following is true?

In a coconut grove, the average yield of 42 trees is 30 nuts per year, average yield of another 40 trees is 60 nuts per year and average yield of another 38 trees is 90 nuts per year. Find the average yield?

By mistake instead of dividing Rs. 117 among P, Q and R in the ratio it was divided in the ratio of 2 : 3 :4. Who gains the most and by how much from previous?

The present age of Rakshak is twice the present age of Sonal. Five years hence, Sonal’s age will be twice the present age of Arati. Five years ago, the ratio of the ages of Arati and Kiran was 2 : 3, respectively. Kiran’s present age is 20 years. Find Rakshak’s present age.

Vishal invested 3/11 th part of his monthly income in stocks share and that of 1/4 th part in mutual funds. He spent the remaining amount on domestic needs and apparel in the ratio 5 : 3, respectively. The expenditure on domestic needs was Rs. 2100. What is his annual income ?

A sum of money invested at simple interest amounts to Rs. 31,250 in 4 years. If the interest at the end of 16 years is same as the sum invested then interest at the end of 4 years was

Neha scored 1.2 times marks of Sanskrit in Science. In Social Science, she scored 20 marks more than Science. If she secured 85.5% marks in these three subjects out of a total 600 marks (in the given three subjects only), how much did she score in Social Science ?

Ashwani has a certain amount of money with him. He can buy either 60 apples or 40 mangoes. He wants to spend only 70% of his money. So he buys 14 mangoes and some apples. Find out the number of apples purchased by Ashwani.

Sanjay completes 40% of a work in 10 days. Sunny is 25% more efficient than Sanjay and Dharam is 100% more efficient than Sunny. In how many days, work will be finished if they do the work together ?

A pipe can fill a tank in 2.4 hours and another pipe can empty the full tank in 1.6 hours. If the tank is completely filled and both the pipes are opened simultaneously then 450 litre of water is removed from the tank in 2.5 hours. What is the capacity of the tank (in litres) ?

Two trains 120 m and 240 m long take 9 seconds to cross each other when moving in the opposite direction. If faster train crosses the slower train in 24 seconds when moving in the same direction then the speed of the slower train is

The following table shows the total number of students appeared in an entrance exam from six different schools in different years, and the ratio of passed to failed students among them. Answer the given questions based on this table.

What is the difference between total number of failed students from school D in the year 2016 and five seventh of passed students from school B in the year 2015.

The following table shows the total number of students appeared in an entrance exam from six different schools in different years, and the ratio of passed to failed students among them. Answer the given questions based on this table.

What is the total number of failed students from school A and D together in 2014?

The following table shows the total number of students appeared in an entrance exam from six different schools in different years, and the ratio of passed to failed students among them. Answer the given questions based on this table.

What is the ratio of the number of passed students from B and C together in 2014 and the number of failed students from D and F together in 2016?

The following table shows the total number of students appeared in an entrance exam from six different schools in different years, and the ratio of passed to failed students among them. Answer the given questions based on this table.

By what percent (approx) the passed students from school B in 2015 are more or less than the passed students from D in 2014 ?

The following table shows the total number of students appeared in an entrance exam from six different schools in different years, and the ratio of passed to failed students among them. Answer the given questions based on this table.

Find the average number of students who failed in 2016 from schools C and E together?

How many words with or without meaning can be formed by using the letters of the word ‘ MIXTURE’ so that vowels are never together ?

Arpita, Sandep, Ritika and 4 other are seating around a circular table. Find the probability that the Arpita is seated between Sandip and Ritika ?

If sides of a rectangle are increased by 40%, the perimeter is increased by

P, Q and R subscribe Rs 60,000 for a business. P subscribes Rs 4000 more than Q and Q subscribes Rs 1000 more than R, out of a total profit of Rs 50,000, R receives

A vessel contains 60 litres of milk. Six litres of milk is taken out and six litres of water is added to the vessel. Again, six litres of milk from the vessel is withdrawn and six litres is added to the vessel. The ratio of milk and water in the resulting mixture in the vessel is

In a piggy bank, there are 1 rupee, 50 paise and 25 paise coins. The respective ratio of their numbers is 10 : 8 : 5. In the bank, there is a total sum of Rs 976. How many 25 paise coins are there in the piggy bank?

The ratio between the three angles of a quadrilateral is 3 : 5 : 9. The value of the fourth angle of the quadrilateral is 71. What is the difference between the largest and the smallest angles of the quadrilateral?

In a zoo there are some pigeons and some rabbits, number of heads are 165 and total number of legs are 420. Find the number of Rabbits in the zoo.

Calculate the difference between the compound interest and simple interest at a principal amount of Rs 3000 at an interest of 6% kept for 2 years

A contractor undertook to construct a building in 120 days with 24 workers. However, after 56 days he observed that only 20% of the work is complete. How many more workers need to be employed to complete the work in time?

Study the graphs carefully to answer the questions that follow.
Distribution of children in 6 different schools and the percentage of boys in them in year 2016

What is the total number of girls in schools CHS and DAV together.

Study the graphs carefully to answer the questions that follow.
Distribution of children in 6 different schools and the percentage of boys in them in year 2016

What is the difference in number of boys in School KVS and that of girls in school ST. PAUL ?

Study the graphs carefully to answer the questions that follow.
Distribution of children in 6 different schools and the percentage of boys in them in year 2016

The total number of students in school DPS is what per cent of the total number of boys in school CHS?

Study the graphs carefully to answer the questions that follow.
Distribution of children in 6 different schools and the percentage of boys in them in year 2016

What is the average number of boys in schools KVS and DPS together in year 2017 if there is an increase of in total strength in 2017 and percentage distribution remain constant?

Study the graphs carefully to answer the questions that follow.
Distribution of children in 6 different schools and the percentage of boys in them in year 2016

What is the respective ratio of the number of girls in school ST. PAUL to the number of boys in school DAV?

_______ are specially designed computer chips that reside other devices. Such as your car or your electronic thermostat.

Primary Memory stores:

Non-physical components of the computer are referred to as _______.

What was the first fully electronic general purpose computer in the world?

Which of the following is/are file extension(s) in DOS?

A ______ is an icon on the desktop that provides a user with immediate access to a program of file.

A graphical input device that can generate digital signals that represent the movement of a pen is known as

An input device that reads printed text employing optical character pattern matching, is known as _________

How many types of semiconductor memory does a computer have?

Which among the following is a component of ROM?

What is an Offline device?

Which of the following is correct acronym of VGA?

How can you access the font size tool on font dialog box in MS Word?

Which of the following terms is related to Internet connectivity?

What is Visual FOXPRO?

Digital computers use a ________ system to encode data and programs.

A main characteristic of computer system is ______, that can perform different types of tasks at the same time.

Something which has easily-understood instructions is said to be:

Information that comes from external source and fed into computer software is called _______.

The control unit initiates a series of sequential steps of __________.

Which of the following are computers that can be carried around easily?

Which among the following is a Super computer series developed by Indian scientists?

What is the keyboard shortcut to centralize the selected text in Word?

Mobile Commerce is best described as

ARP (address resolution protocol) is________.

Any hardware component that allows you to enter data or instructions into a computer is called a(n) _________.

Which among the following is one reason for problems of data integrity?

Deleted data remains on a disk until _________.

Which type of system can learn and adjust to new circumstances by themselves?

Which of the following is NOT associated with Computers?

An error in a computer program is called a _________.

Which of the following is not a binary number?

Different components on the motherboard of a PC unit are linked together by sets of parallel electrical conducting lines. What are these lines called?

Which among the following statement is true about motherboard?

When the pointer is positioned which of the following, it is shaped like a hand?

Which of the following is the correct option that allows users to bring together copies of workbooks that other users have worked on independently in MS Excel?

EBCDIC stands for?

If your computer keeps rebooting itself, then it is likely that _______.

In PROM, P stands for?

__________ ports connect special types of music instruments to sound cards.

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

How is it correct to say that the land grabbed by the government, companies or individuals are affecting many millions of lives?
(I) The lands are losing their actual value and making a loss to several people as those lands are grabbed at ridiculously low prices by the Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies. (II) The infrastructure projects, mining or manufacturing zones of the government or companies made on the land acquired by them are plundering the resources due to the absence of effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions. (III) The lands acquired by the government, companies or individuals at considerably low prices in the name of national projects or manufacturing zones are uprooting people who are already living in insecure conditions.

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

Which of the following sentences is not forming a part of the passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

Why has the author mentioned that the NDA government has worsened the situation regarding LARR?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

Which of the following is an appropriate title of the passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

The Land Acquisition Act is no more stringent to the peasants. How is this statement justified?
(I) It is not necessary to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land by the Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies for Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects.
(II) The government has made provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.
(III) The government has provided the appropriate resources to the farmers to ameliorate their precarious conditions.

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

Choose the word/group of words which is most OPPOSITE in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.
Aggrandise

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

Choose the word/group of words which is most SIMILAR in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.
Hitherto

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
A land grab of unparalleled proportions is on across India. The Central and State governments, Indian and foreign companies and even individuals are either buying land or acquiring large tracts of land on long-term leases at ridiculously low prices. They are nothing but vehicles for unbridled capital accumulation, being undertaken in the name of grandiose projects such as special economic zones (SEZs), national investment and manufacturing zones (NIMZs), industrial corridors, economic corridors, “smart cities” and other taxonomically innovative names. What really marks out the ongoing aggrandisementis the aggressive and brazen intervention of the state on behalf of powerful corporate interests.
These logistics corridors, NIMZs, SEZs and “smart cities” that criss-cross the country are literally cutting into the lives of millions of people, much like how national boundaries were once drawn over paper maps in the colonial era with scant respect for the people who lived in the frontier regions. But unlike in the colonial era, these projects are creating turmoil, uprooting people across vast tracts of land. Massive infrastructure projects, industrial corridors, mining, captive ports, and irrigation and real estate projects involve en masse eviction of the peasantry, tribal people, forest dwellers, the fishing community and marginalised sections already living in precarious conditions. The loot of resources is being facilitated by the abrogation of hard-won land rights, and all principles of justice are being thrown to the winds as even basic relocation with effective rehabilitation and resettlement provisions is glaringly absent. This blustering violence of capital is not going unchallenged. We are witnessing the unfolding of a struggle at all such spots of acquisition through the building of cross-class alliances and a hithertounseen kind of unity of the affected people.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
Massive protests against land acquisition under the antiquated colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 in different parts of India for over a decade were often met with brutal repression and even led to the loss of lives. The Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government was forced to enact The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013, known as LARR 2013, after wide consultations with different stakeholders and debates in Parliament. LARR 2013 had many problems that were pointed out by the groups such as the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS), the National Alliance of People’s Movements and the Left parties, and amendments were moved in Parliament to strengthen it and ensure that it protected the interests of the peasantry and those dependent on land. Although the final Act was a watered-down version, following a compromise struck between the UPA and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA), it nevertheless was an improvement over the colonial Act as it enshrined the principle of prior informed consent and incorporated the concept of social impact assessment, apart from providing for safeguards on account of the country’s food security interests.
After coming to power, the NDA government reversed its earlier stance on LARR 2013 and sought to enforce amendments through the ordinance route in December 2014. This facilitated the smooth takeover of land for corporate profiteering and real estate speculation. This, in effect, takes us back to a situation worse than the colonial era as even the British rulers did not include a provision in the Act that allowed for land to be acquired for private companies without seeking consent. Under the colonial Act, land could be acquired forcibly under the “eminent domain” doctrine without seeking the consent of the peasantry but only for government projects. The BJP government appears to have taken inspiration from the Nazi era in Germany, when a law was enacted that had provisions for the free expropriation of land for the purposes of establishing so-called public utilities.
In effect, it reinstated the most draconian provisions of the colonial Land Acquisition Act of 1894 and removed the necessity to seek the consent of farmers and others dependent on land while also doing away with social impact assessment altogether. The government also expanded the definition of industrial corridors to include land up to one kilometer on either side of designated roads or railway lines serving these corridors. Organisations such as the AIKS had called for provisions to ensure acquisition of land to the extent required and legal safeguards for landowners.

Choose the word/group of words which is most SIMILAR in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.
Enshrined

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term “instinct”. It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spiders know how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.
Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call forsequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature’s talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.
Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature’s engineering marvels –an organ with “that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration,” in Darwin’s words – gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist’s point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school – as Oscar Wilde said, “Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember form time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught.” A preschooler’s tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like,inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

According to the passage, which of the following does not stem form popular wisdom on language?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term “instinct”. It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spiders know how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.
Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call forsequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature’s talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.
Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature’s engineering marvels –an organ with “that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration,” in Darwin’s words – gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist’s point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school – as Oscar Wilde said, “Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember form time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught.” A preschooler’s tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like,inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

Which of the following can be used to replace the “Spiders know how to spin webs” analogy as used by the author?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term “instinct”. It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spiders know how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.
Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call forsequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature’s talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.
Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature’s engineering marvels –an organ with “that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration,” in Darwin’s words – gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist’s point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school – as Oscar Wilde said, “Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember form time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught.” A preschooler’s tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like,inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

According to the passage, which of the following is unique to human beings?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term “instinct”. It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spiders know how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.
Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call forsequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature’s talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.
Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature’s engineering marvels –an organ with “that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration,” in Darwin’s words – gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist’s point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school – as Oscar Wilde said, “Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember form time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught.” A preschooler’s tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like,inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

According to the passage, complexity of language cannot be taught by parents or at school to children because

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term “instinct”. It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spiders know how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.
Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call forsequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature’s talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.
Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature’s engineering marvels –an organ with “that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration,” in Darwin’s words – gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist’s point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school – as Oscar Wilde said, “Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember form time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught.” A preschooler’s tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like,inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

Which of the following best summarizes the passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term “instinct”. It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spiders know how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.
Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call forsequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature’s talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.
Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature’s engineering marvels –an organ with “that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration,” in Darwin’s words – gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist’s point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school – as Oscar Wilde said, “Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember form time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught.” A preschooler’s tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like,inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

Choose the word/group of words which is most SIMILAR in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.
Sequester

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.
Language is not a cultural artifact that we learn the way we learn to tell time or how the federal government works. Instead, it is a distinct piece of the biological makeup of our brains. Language is a complex, specialized skill, which develops in the child spontaneously, without conscious effort or formal instruction, is deployed without awareness of its underlying logic, is qualitatively the same in every individual, and is distinct from more general abilities to process information or behave intelligently. For these reasons some cognitive scientists have described language as a psychological faculty, a mental organ, a neural system, and a computational module. But I prefer the admittedly quaint term “instinct”. It conveys the idea that people know how to talk in more or less the sense that spiders know how to spin webs. Web-spinning was not invented by some unsung spider genius and does not depend on having had the right education or on having an aptitude for architecture or the construction trades. Rather, spiders spin spider webs because they have spider brains, which give them the urge to spin and the competence to succeed. Although there are differences between webs and words, I will encourage you to see language in this way, for it helps to make sense of the phenomena we will explore.
Thinking of language as an instinct inverts the popular wisdom, especially as it has been passed down in the canon of the humanities and social sciences. Language is no more a cultural invention than is upright posture. It is not a manifestation of a general capacity to use symbols: a three-year-old, we shall see, is a grammatical genius, but is quite incompetent at the visual arts, religious iconography, traffic signs, and the other staples of the semiotics curriculum. Though language is a magnificent ability unique to Homo sapiens among living species, it does not call forsequestering the study of humans from the domain of biology, for a magnificent ability unique to a particular living species is far from unique in the animal kingdom. Some kinds of bats home in on flying insects using Doppler sonar. Some kinds of migratory birds navigate thousands of miles by calibrating the positions of the constellations against the time of day and year. In nature’s talent show, we are simply a species of primate with our own act, a knack for communicating information about who did what to whom by modulating the sounds we make when we exhale.
Once you begin to look at language not as the ineffable essence of human uniqueness but as a biological adaptation to communicate information, it is no longer as tempting to see language as an insidious shaper of thought, and, we shall see, it is not. Moreover, seeing language as one of nature’s engineering marvels –an organ with “that perfection of structure and co-adaptation which justly excites our admiration,” in Darwin’s words – gives us a new respect for your ordinary Joe and the much-maligned English language (or any language). The complexity of language, from the scientist’s point of view, is part of our biological birthright; it is not something that parents teach their children or something that must be elaborated in school – as Oscar Wilde said, “Education is an admirable thing, but it is well to remember form time to time that nothing that is worth knowing can be taught.” A preschooler’s tacit knowledge of grammar is more sophisticated than the thickest style manual or the most state-of-the-art computer fracturing professional athlete and the, you know, like,inarticulate teenage skateboarder. Finally, since language is the product of a well-engineered biological instinct, we shall see that it is not the nutty barrel of monkeys that entertainer-columnists make it out to be.

Choose the word/group of words which is most OPPOSITE in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.
Inarticulate