Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow.

The table shows the maximum and minimum temperature record on 15th of 4 successive months in Delhi, Shimla, Gurgaon and Guwahati.

What was the difference between average of max temp of Delhi and Shimla in September and that of Gurgaon & Guwahati in June.

Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow.

The table shows the maximum and minimum temperature record on 15th of 4 successive months in Delhi, Shimla, Gurgaon and Guwahati.

Average of max. and min. temperature of Gurgaon in September was what percent of average of max. and min. temperature of same city in June (Rounded up to 2 decimal place)

Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow.

The table shows the maximum and minimum temperature record on 15th of 4 successive months in Delhi, Shimla, Gurgaon and Guwahati.

Find the average of differences of the max. and min. temperature of Gurgaon on 15th for the given months.

Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow.

The table shows the maximum and minimum temperature record on 15th of 4 successive months in Delhi, Shimla, Gurgaon and Guwahati.

In all the given data, find the difference between the highest maximum temperature and lowest minimum temperature.

Study the following table carefully to answer the questions that follow.

The table shows the maximum and minimum temperature record on 15th of 4 successive months in Delhi, Shimla, Gurgaon and Guwahati.

What is the ratio of min. temp. of the four states together in August and max. temp. of four states together in July?

The average age of 24 students and the class teacher is 16 years. If the class teacher’s age is excluded, the average reduces by one year. What is the age of the class teacher?

Dhiraj purchased 150 kg of rice. He sold 1/3 rd of it at 10% loss. At what per cent of profit must he sell the remaining rice so that he can make 10% profit on the whole?

The opposite pairs of sides of a square are increased by 40% and 30%, respectively. The area of the resulting rectangle exceeds the area of the square by:

A man spends Rs.500 in buying tables and chairs, total numbers of tables and chairs are 12. The cost of one table is Rs. 50 and that of one chair is Rs. 40. What is the ratio of the numbers of the chairs and the tables purchased?

Ashokan is thrice as good a workman as Nitin and is therefore able to finish a piece of work in 40 days less than Nitin. Find the time in which they can do it working together.

If a student walks from his house to school at 5 Km/h, he is late by 30 minutes. However, if he walks at 6 Km/h, he is late by 5 minutes only. The distance of his school from his house is:

How many kg of sugar costing Rs. 5.75 per kg should be mixed with 75 kg of cheaper sugar costing Rs. 4.50 per kg so that the mixture is worth Rs. 5.50 per kg?

Two equal sums were borrowed at 8% simple interest per annum for 2 years and 3 years respectively. The difference in the interests was Rs. 56. The sums borrowed were:

A tap can fill a tank in 48 minutes, whereas another tap can empty it in 2 hrs. If both the taps the taps are opened at 11 : 40 a.m., then the tank will be filled at:

A motor boat can travel at 10 Km/h in still water. It traveled 91 Km downstream in river and then returned, taking altogether 20 hrs. Find the rate of flow of river.

Study the following letter/number /symbol sequence and answer the questions following it. 

How many symbols are there in the series which are immediately preceded by a number and immediately followed by a letter?

Study the following letter/number /symbol sequence and answer the questions following it. 

If all the symbols are dropped from the series, which letter/number will be eleventh to the left of fifteenth letter/number from you left ?

Study the following letter/number /symbol sequence and answer the questions following it. 

If the position of the first and the sixteenth elements, the second and the seventeenth elements, and so on up to the eleventh and the twenty-sixth elements, are interchanged, which letter/number/ symbol will be seventh to the right of nineteenth letter/number/symbol from the right?

Study the following letter/number /symbol sequence and answer the questions following it. 

What is the total number of ‘the numbers immediately followed by a letter’ and ‘the symbols immediately following the letters’ together in the above sequence?

A is facing east and moves 10 km, then he turned to his right and moves 5 km, now he turns to 90 degree anticlockwise and moves 10 km. Now, in which direction he is standing with respect to his initial position?

A is facing east and moves 10 km, then he turned to his right and moves 5 km, now he turns to 90 degree anticlockwise and moves 10 km. Now, in which direction he is standing with respect to his initial position?

In a class, there are 50 students and Ramesh is at 31st rank from bottom and Meena is at 12 ranks above from Ramesh from top. Now, what is the rank of Meena from Bottom?

Which of the following symbols should replace the question mark (?) in the given expression in order to make the expressions P > A as well as T ≤ L definitely true?
P > L ? A ≥ N = T

Shubham, Sonam, Ishant, Neha, and Nimisha work in the same company.
Nimisha joined company before Ishant but after Sonam. Shubham started working in the company before Sonam but after Neha. Who is the senior-most among them?

If A is brother of D who is paternal grandmother of G. E is sister of G and daughter of J who is mother-in-law of K. J has two children and only one daughter. E is unmarried and H is son of D. Then what is the relation of G’s fathers with K?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Why is Daw Aung San Suu Kyi not taking a firm stand on Rohingya crisis?

(I) because she is keen to maintain her electoral vote bank
(II) because she agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of the large part of Myanmar’s electorate
(III) as she doesn’t want to be seen as a puppet of the foreigners

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Why do the people of Myanmar prefer economic performance to democracy?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

The military (the Tatmadaw) is castigating its power to exploit innocent citizens of Myanmar. Explain.

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

How deracination of large number of Rohingyas affected the mood of the international community towards the government of Myanmar?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Which of the following statements is/are NOT TRUE in the context of the passage?

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Choose the word/group of words which is most SIMILAR in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.

Lambasting

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Choose the word/group of words which is most SIMILAR in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.

Revealed

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Choose the word/group of words which is most SIMILAR in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.

Rampage

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Choose the word/group of words which is most OPPOSITE in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.

Revelation

Read the following passage carefully and answer the questions given below it. Certain words are given in bold to help you locate them while answering some of the questions.

The furor in the international community over the actions of the Myanmar armed forces in Rakhine state in recent weeks has led to widespread criticism of the civilian National League for Democracy (NLD) government, unofficially led by Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. A central theme of the criticism has been that the Nobel Prize winner either agrees with the ethnic and sectarian bigotry of a large part of Myanmar’s electorate, or that she is afraid to confront it due to electoral concerns and a fear of being seen as bowing to foreigners. However, this analysis misses a key factor in the political landscape of modern Myanmar: the tie between the country’s experiment with a civilian-led semi-democracy and the rise in living standards for ordinary people this change in the political system is meant to bring about.
As the Myanmar armed forces have demonstrated so brutally against the minority Rohingya, for its legitimacy as an institution the military (the Tatmadaw) in Myanmar can still draw upon the idea of itself as the chief defender of Myanmar’s territorial integrity and guarantor of the majority Bamar elite’s continued dominance within it. The Tatmadaw also still control the ministries of defense, home affairs, and border affairs, and a quarter of the seats in Myanmar’s parliament. Meanwhile the NLD is responsible to a diverse electorate that seems, now, united only by its loathing of the Rohingya. Much of that electorate has grown up listening to Myanmar’s generals (and their successors) lambasting the practice of democratic civilian government in order to justify the Tatmadaw’s coups in 1962 and 1988 against the legitimate rulers of Myanmar. Despite 50 years of military misgovernment, charges that civilian rule is corrupt, inept at ruling the country, and unable to achieve peace and security still carry weight in a society which has been at war with itself since independence in 1947.
Some of the major priorities of that electorate can be seen from the responses to an opinion survey published in August by the International Republican Institute (IRI), a U.S.- based pro-democracy nonprofit. IRI interviewed 3,000 adult citizens (those eligible to vote) of Myanmar, who were weighed by state and region, on their views about “their socio-economic status, political and security situations of the country, the democratic transition and rights, and perceptions of government, legislature, political parties and the media” according to local media outlet The Irrawaddy. For supporters of Myanmar’s transition to democracy this survey of public opinion revealed some disturbing results. Eye-openingly for democracy activists, a large percentage of the electorate seemed ready to judge not the NLD, but the democratic system itself for Myanmar’s economic performance. According to the IRI, 40 percent of their respondents thought that the economy was more important than democracy, versus just 24 percent who rated democratic reform as being more important overall. Another 11 percent of those surveyed rated further democratic reform as “moderately” important.
The Irrawaddy added that the IRI’s report even showed ordinary people putting economic development ahead of the country’s complex peace process, a central plank of Aung Sang Su Kyi’s political program. The central thrust of the survey’s revelations was any government of Myanmar would only be broadly liked and accepted if it could solve local people’s livelihood difficulties. This would matter less for the NLD in its struggle with the Tatmadaw if Myanmar’s economic growth was still increasing. However, growth fell from 7.3 percent in 2015-2016 to 6.4 percent in 2016-17, and while the current year’s forecast is a more cheerful 7.7 percent, (and 2018-19’s estimate is even higher) that sunny scenario is heavily dependent on getting billions more dollars-worth of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the country’s economy. With foreign governments and businesses now mulling how to respond over the Tatmadaw’s unprecedented rampage across Rakhine state (which has now seen a record 480,000 Rohingya fleeing to unsafe and unhealthy refugee mega-camps Bangladesh) this hoped-for investment is now at risk. So far investors have held their nerve but they are keenly aware of how Myanmar is perceived internationally.

Choose the word/group of words which is most OPPOSITE in meaning to the word/group of words printed in bold as used in the passage.

Perceived